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Supreme Court gave its initial ruling for Brown in May , the court deemed separate but equal unacceptable in public education. The state Legislature passed a law allowing it to revoke funds from and even close districts and schools that integrated black and white students, leading to school closures in Charlottesville and Norfolk. White citizens in Prince Edward County were committed to operating a segregated school system and took even more aggressive measures.
When school funds were distributed annually, the district was committed to keeping the school open for the length of the school year. In contrast, a monthly distribution schedule gave the County greater flexibility to close schools abruptly and minimize the financial loss. Threatened with having to integrate their schools, the County could simply choose not to give out the remaining funds, close the schools, and subsequently save tax dollars and achieve their goal of not paying for integrated schools.
The threat to low-income schools
Ultimately, Prince Edward County chose to close its entire public school system in rather than operate integrated schools. The original Brown ruling, as definitive as it was for civil rights, simply did not have the teeth to force unwilling communities to desegregate their schools. Finally, in September , the 4th U.
The board decided not to levy local taxes for the school year, eliminating a major source of funding for its schools. The final measure taken by the county board of supervisors was to close public schools in Prince Edward County.
School Choice in London and Paris – A Comparison of Middle-class Strategies
The magnitude of the decision was unprecedented. While the state Legislature had the authority to close individual schools, it had only done so on three occasions at individual schools in Charlottesville, Norfolk, and Warren County. Thus, black parents were forced to go to incredible lengths to educate their children. Those who could do so moved their children across state lines to North Carolina, where Kittrell Junior College accommodated about 60 students. The worst-case scenario, of course, was leaving the education system altogether—the path followed by many older children on the cusp of adulthood.
The situation in Prince Edward County finally reached the attention of the Kennedy administration by the summer of Attorney General Robert Kennedy would dispatch officials from the U. White students, should they wish to, were also permitted to attend the school. Private donations helped fund the million-dollar price tag need to operate the Prince Edward Free Schools, with donations coming from the Ford Foundation, the Field Foundation, and the National Education Association.
In , the Supreme Court ruled in Griffin v. County School Board of Prince Edward County that the County had to reopen its public schools on the grounds that it was still in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.
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In , the U. The passage of the Civil Rights Act of , which barred federal funds from going to segregated schools, made it clear that Prince Edward County could not continue their practices legally and receive federal funding.
That demographic mismatch between the County and its public school system persists today. Segregationists in the County, many of whom occupied positions of power, believed their cause to be courageous and knew that it could set a precedent for other communities unwilling to desegregate their public schools.
By , more than private segregation academies were set up in states across the South. Alabama saw 21, students unenroll from its public schools, while Louisiana had more than 11, students. The rise of private schools in the South and the diversion of public funds to those private schools through vouchers was a direct response of white communities to desegregation requirements. A state law also allowed school districts to close their public schools and sell or lease their resources for considerably less than their value for use by private schools.
DOJ intervened for the plaintiffs who sued the state of Mississippi in Coffey v. These voucher programs have been described in terms of choice. Seen through another lens, however, a voucher program represents a shift towards privatization by redirecting public funds to private organizations.
In The Privatization of Education , they conduct a systematic literature review of research related to education privatization across the globe. They synthesize evidence from various countries where privatization is taking place to yield six theorized pathways to privatizing education. They also look across the studied countries to analyze the main drivers of policy change and provide an overview of the typical actors and strategies that negotiate privatization.
The result is a comprehensive introduction to the various ways in which private involvement in education has become institutionalized worldwide over the past several decades. In Part I, Verger et al. Seeking to explain why global reform pressures do not translate to uniform policy adoption, they note variation in the triggers or events that create opportunities for policy change, which influence the available solutions.
As states proceed through policy selection the negotiation of what policy tools and rationales will be adopted and policy retention the institutionalization of particular policy solutions , unique combinations of material and ideational factors, or policy drivers, ultimately shape the privatization effort.
Ideational policy drivers include dominant policy paradigms or ways of framing policy problems, public opinions and values, and the experts and entrepreneurs who use knowledge and perceptions to shape the debate. Verger et al.
Part II consists of six chapters, each explicating one of the theorized privatization pathways and describing example sites. The chapter offers extensive histories of both nations, showing how tension between conservative and liberal parties during times of political turmoil and economic crisis led to calls for increased private investment in schooling. Both nations pursued privatization in the s as a way of improving efficiency and economic competitiveness, and they continued to expand privatization in the s under the auspices of free choice and progressivism.
School Choice in London and Paris – A Comparison of Middle-class Strategies
They demonstrate how charter reforms were contrasted with vouchers and presented as a more malleable policy idea, as less radical, and with framing elements that appealed to cross-sector stakeholders, including cultural and fiscal conservatives parental control or free-market competition , moderate democrats choice and accountability , progressives equity , and even some teacher unions. Moreover, the authors point out, the fragmented US political system favors charter adoption over vouchers, which require a higher degree of centralization.
mentbegouno.ml In the case of the Nordic countries, the structures of social democratic welfare states facilitated the adoption of privatization. Social Democrats embraced certain ways of framing privatization—such as freedom, diversification, and protection of the welfare state from perceptions of overwhelming state-dominated bureaucracy—but limited market ideals such as competition.
Similarly, in the historical cases discussed in chapter 7, the authors show how the Netherlands, Belgium, and Spain developed systems of high private enrollment and public subsidies based not on neoliberal ideologies but on the centrality of faith-based institutions. In contrast to the chapters that cast privatization as emerging from the political arena, chapters 6 and 8 describe privatization models in which some type of wide-spread environmental uncertainty creates the opportunity for entrepreneurial private actors to intervene in education.
The absence of accessible public options in such countries creates a de facto demand for privatization. By engaging in semiotic work to frame privatization as a central part of reconstruction, along with the diminished potential for resistance through veto or deliberation processes, private actors can accelerate reforms that may have been stalled under more stable conditions.